Escaping ethnopolis: postethnic mobilization in Bosnia-Herzegovina

This thesis investigates how and to what extent it is possible to mobilize citizens across ethnic boundaries in a deeply divided society. It focuses on one case in point, that of Bosnia-Herzegovina. The thesis first develops the analytical concept of postethnic mobilization as an alternative to similar but less precise terms such as multicultural, civic mobilization or anti-nationalist mobilization. Bosnia-Herzegovina is a crucial case with regard to postethnic mobilization, as it is a post-conflict society where deep divisions remain and where local politicians often mobilize national and religious allegations. Moreover, it is a consociationalist democracy, where ethnic divisions have been institutionalized at all levels of governance. The analysis, based on more than fifty qualitative interviews with activists, knowledgeable observers and analysts, takes a two-pronged approach. One the one hand it scrutinizes postethnic mobilization from the perspective of activists framings: which symbols and references do they use to mobilize and how do they relate to the cultural environment. On the other hand, it investigates these types of mobilizations from the perspective of political opportunity structure, consistentbut not necessarily formal or permanentdimensions of the political struggle that encourage people to engage in contentious politics (Tarrow, 2002). In addition, two cases of postethnic mobilization are analyzed in-depth: the case of the Sarajevo protests in 2008, and the case of Nasa Stranka, a new postethnic and multi-ethnic party. The thesis concludes that postethnic mobilization has more chances to develop in places where ethnic elites are less dominant, support groups such as labour organizations and religious organizations are not politicized and/or tied to nationalist parties and where the media are not ethnically divided. Rich social networks and absence of repression will further enhance the possibilities for postethnic mobilization, but they affect civil society in general and not postethnic mobilization specifically.-Secondly, resistance to postethnic mobilization will be lower in a state that is not a nationalizing state, i.e. a state that is an un-realized nation state and that strives to be one by promoting language, culture, demographic, disposition and political hegemony of the state-bearing nation.-Thirdly the emergence of postethnic mobilization in cities is influenced by three mutually constitutive factors:*The collective multi-ethnic identity of the city, i.e. a widespread attitude of tolerance among all the ethnic groups that is shared by the citys inhabitants, and which is promoted by the citizens and by its institutions and which is based in local history*The presence of a critical mass of people sharing that collective identity, enabling mobilization on a larger scale*The importance of the city for (multi-)ethnic elites. The absence of powerful ethnic elites who regard the city as an example for their national-based policies willstimulate postethnic mobilization, as will the presence of a multi-ethnic elite

Jaar van publicatie:2012

Toegankelijkheid:Closed